Ibeanu, A.M. and Inalegwu, S.A.

   Introduction
Technology is defined as a methodical utilization of natural resources and forces based on of
the knowledge of nature in order to take care of man‟s need. (Brugger 1974 in Nwoko 1992)
However, others see technology as any application of the discoveries of science or the
scientific method to the problems of man and his environment in peace and war (Berry 1983
in Nwoko 1992). The identification and exploitation of mineral resources in a given
environment is seen as man‟s attempt to adapt and survive. As a result, it is a constructive
engagement which man must of necessity make with his environment (Ibeanu and Okonkwo
forthcoming). For example, it was the need for more efficient tools for hunting, and
agriculture that led to improved techniques and sourcing of quality stone raw materials and
the smelting of iron ores. However, the increased exploitation of quality iron ores for iron
smelting further expanded human group interaction with one another, urban societies and
trade.
This study is geared towards the documentation of iron working traditions of parts of
Idomaland in Benue state and adjourning northern Igbo communities, such as, Abakaliki and
Nsukka. This will enable us to trace possible relationships or similarities in their iron working
traditions in time perspectives. Many archaeological studies had been carried out in Nsukka
area in terms of excavation and dating of iron working sites (Anozie 1979; Okafor 1993;
1995). Most iron smelting sites in Nsukka and Nwofe in Abakaliki seem quite old and
thepresent inhabitants of such sites as Opi and Lejja are ignorant of the archaeological
data/smelting traditions unlike the Umundu and Nrobo where knowledgeable elders and
blacksmiths who either observed/participated as children in iron smelting. They still
remember the processes of iron working comparable to their Idoma neighbours in such places
as Otukpo, Otukpa, Igede and Utonkon where extensive iron smelting took place. In these
places there is demonstrable link between the present inhabitants and archaeological data. For
example, one can still observe dilapidating smelting furnaces in farmlands and some elders
were able to identify smelting and smithing slags. It is a common in most farmlands in
Otukpa to see pieces of slag, broken furnace walls and potsherds littered around as part of the
landscape. It is important to note, that human activities due mainly to population pressure is
adversely affecting these finite archaeological resource that would enhance our outstanding
and interpretation of ancient iron smelting traditions.
It is pertinent to point out that much work has been done in Nsukka, as against parts of
Benue where no archaeological excavation or dates have been obtained from Idoma iron
smelting Sites. However, on the basis of furnace types, only the shaft furnace has so far been
identified. This is seen to be the most recent furnance type which gave a more efficient smelt
compared with older furnace types observed in Nsukka and Abakaliki areas.
It has been observed by Nwoko (1992 that no society can make any headway in
technological advancement without a systematic and critical appraisal of the reality around
her and assuming the society wants to borrow by way of technological transfer, members of
such society must develop their required attitude as well as critical mind about life for the
borrowed technology to contribute to their welfare.