Waja

J. Boachie-Ansah
Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies
University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana

Abstract
Test excavation conducted 100 m away from an earthwork near Ngyeduam in the Central
Region of Ghana has produced pottery, a grindstone, ironslag, a corroded iron object, nuts of
Elaeis guineensis, bones of undomesticated animals and shells of Achatina achatina. It is not
known whether the pottery from the excavation is related to the construction of the earthwork
since no excavations were conducted in the earthwork. Five radio-carbon dates obtained for
the site suggest that it was occupied from the first half of the fifteenth century to the early
seventeenth century. Claims have been made that there is discontinuity between the pottery
associated with the earthworks of southern Ghana and a later Akan pottery which succeeded
the pottery associated with the earthworks in several sites of southern Ghana. This has often
been interpreted as evidence of a significant break in the cultural and/or demographic
continuity in the history of the southern forest area of Ghana, and that the earthworks of the
forest region of southern Ghana were not built by the Akan. Although it is not known
whether the pottery is associated with the earthwork, the pottery exhibits some characteristics
of the pottery found on earthworks sites known in the literature as the Earthworks Pottery and
Akan pottery. This ceramic evidence, as well as evidence from other sites, suggest continuity
between the pottery associated with the earthworks of southern Ghana and the pottery of the
Akan, whose ancestors, more than any other group, were probably the builders of the
earthworks.

Obarè B. Bagodo
Departement d‟histoire et d‟archéologie
Université d‟Abomey-Calavi,
Bénin Republic

Introduction
The dating and sequencing of the human past started before, and continued with the inception
and the development of archaeology as a scientific discipline. This standpoint is important for
a fuller understanding of the dating and sequencing issues in the World Stone Age
Archaeology. It is also important for putting into perspective the use of radiometric dating
techniques as from the 1950s onwards with particular reference to West Africa. The
retrospective and prospective consideration of the West African case study since the 1970s is
emphasised.
After a long period of worldwide antiquarianism till the 19th century, the continuing
quest for dating and sequencing of human past led the Danish archaeologist Christian J.
Thomsen to propose in 1836 a-three-system of Stone, Bronze and Iron Ages. The same
motivation led the French antiquarian and archaeologist Jacques Boucher de Perthes to
undertake excavations at Abbeville, France, from 1837 to 1847. His publications between
1847 and 1860 established the first evidence associating human artefacts and bones of extinct
animals. In the same vein his “Celtic” and “Antediluvian” Antiquities anticipated the terms
“prehistory”, “palaeolithic” and “neolithic” asproposed by the English naturalist Sir John
Lubbock in 1865. In addition, from 1859 to 1871, the English naturalist Charles Darwin
established the evolutionary origin and development of plants, animals, and humans.
In the first half of the 20th century, new field techniques and global relative chronology
were achieved through: (i) the grid-square method pioneered by the English archaeologist Sir
Mortimer Wheeler; (ii) the criteria for chronological ranking of sites‟ evidence and the
problem-oriented stratigraphic excavation initiated by the American archaeologist Alfred
Kidder; and (iii) the pioneering use of pollen analysis in 1949-51 and the framing of five
evolutionary modes of Stone Age technology in 1969 by the English archaeologist Grahame
Clark. During the first half the 20th century, the South African archaeologist A.J.H. Goodwin
proposed in 1925 an African-centred two-stage subdivision of Earlier and Later Stone Age,
and in 1927 he suggested the term „Middle Stone Age‟. Finally in 1929 he co-authored with
C. Van Riet Lowe a synthesis titled The Stone Age cultures of South Africa.
From the second half of the 20th century and onwards, the breakthrough came with the
advent of the Radiocarbon (i.e. C14) dating technique between 1947 and 1949, followed by
the subsequent development of other radiometric/isotopic dating methods in the 1960s and
1970s. The Radiocarbon and other isotopic dating techniques have all revolutionized the
„absolute‟ dating and sequencing in the Stone Age Archaeology.
Such advances in the worldwide vision and technical skills of dating and sequencing of
Stone Age cultures have notably impacted the whole of Africa since 1947 with the Nairobihosted
1st Pan-African Congress for Prehistory and Quaternary Studies, and especially West
Africa since 1969 with the Ibadan-hosted Interdisciplinary Symposium on the role of
stratigraphy in geology and archaeology.
As a result, the retrospective and prospective emphasis of the African continental
picture as a whole with particular emphasis on the West African situation is herein taken into
account. The African picture is handled as a by-product of the world background challenges
and achievements in the dating and sequencing issues in the Stone Age Archaeology.

Dr K. T. Odofin
Department of Archaeology,
Ahmadubello University, Zaria

Introduction
The state of archaeological investigation in the Zaria area can still be explained to be
exploratory. This can be seen in terms of limited reconnaissance and excavations of sites,
little application of analytical scientific techniques to archaeological investigations and
patchy and unrepresentative dating of material evidence.
In terms of frequency of studies of archaeological sites in the Zaria area (fig. 1) between
1970 and 1980, the iron smelting site of Samaru West appears to have attracted more
attention by pioneering researchers (Obayemi 1976 and Sutton 1976) more than others
(Effah-Gyamfi1981a). The close proximity of Samaru West site to the main campus of the
Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, Nigeria seemed to have been responsible for this. Samaru
West site was first excavated by Obayemi and dated to the 7th century AD (Sutton 1976) and
subsequently by Sutton (1976) who also excavated the site and obtained 8 Radio Carbon
dates within the range of 7th and 8th centuries AD, which seems to lay credence to Obayemi‟s
earlier date. Subsequent investigation conducted by Effah-Gyamfi (1981a) did not however
involve any dating. A subsequent archaeological study of the same site conducted by Dilli
(1986) was essentially reconnaissance in nature and merely aimed at documenting the
material evidence of iron smelting which was then under serious threats of erosion.
The Tsauni North iron smelting site was located in 1975 by Sutton through Dr J.H
Polhemus who reported it to Sutton (Sutton 1985). Material evidence of iron smelting was
discovered at Tsauni north in association with terracotta figurines (Sutton 1985). The
figurines at Tsauni North are made of coarse textured clay, characteristically small and with
distinct artistic features which Sutton considered not to belong to the Nok style (Sutton
1985).
Sutton‟s archaeological research on iron smelting in Samaru West and Tsauni was
essentially a study of the technical basis of iron smelting there. Specifically, the study of the
typology of iron smelting furnaces and tuyeres appeared to have mostly engaged his
attention. In the study, Sutton observed that Tsauni north furnaces which he categorized as
Taruga style are associated with „standard‟ tuyeres (Effah-Gyamfi 1981b; Sutton 1985),
while Tsauni South furnaces which belong to the Samaru West type are associated with
„massive‟ tuyeres (Sutton 1985). He further considered the Tsauni north furnaces to be
contemporaneous with Taruga and the Nok culture (Sutton 1985), while the Tsauni south and
Samaru West ones are dated to the second half of the first millennium AD (Sutton 1985)
about a thousand years later than the Taruga style. The dates given by Sutton for the furnaces
of Tsauni north and south were essentially speculative as they were based on the
extrapolation of information from the C14 dates from the sites of Taruga, Samaru West and
Dalla Hills rather than any scientific dating.

Ibeanu, A.M. and Inalegwu, S.A.

   Introduction
Technology is defined as a methodical utilization of natural resources and forces based on of
the knowledge of nature in order to take care of man‟s need. (Brugger 1974 in Nwoko 1992)
However, others see technology as any application of the discoveries of science or the
scientific method to the problems of man and his environment in peace and war (Berry 1983
in Nwoko 1992). The identification and exploitation of mineral resources in a given
environment is seen as man‟s attempt to adapt and survive. As a result, it is a constructive
engagement which man must of necessity make with his environment (Ibeanu and Okonkwo
forthcoming). For example, it was the need for more efficient tools for hunting, and
agriculture that led to improved techniques and sourcing of quality stone raw materials and
the smelting of iron ores. However, the increased exploitation of quality iron ores for iron
smelting further expanded human group interaction with one another, urban societies and
trade.
This study is geared towards the documentation of iron working traditions of parts of
Idomaland in Benue state and adjourning northern Igbo communities, such as, Abakaliki and
Nsukka. This will enable us to trace possible relationships or similarities in their iron working
traditions in time perspectives. Many archaeological studies had been carried out in Nsukka
area in terms of excavation and dating of iron working sites (Anozie 1979; Okafor 1993;
1995). Most iron smelting sites in Nsukka and Nwofe in Abakaliki seem quite old and
thepresent inhabitants of such sites as Opi and Lejja are ignorant of the archaeological
data/smelting traditions unlike the Umundu and Nrobo where knowledgeable elders and
blacksmiths who either observed/participated as children in iron smelting. They still
remember the processes of iron working comparable to their Idoma neighbours in such places
as Otukpo, Otukpa, Igede and Utonkon where extensive iron smelting took place. In these
places there is demonstrable link between the present inhabitants and archaeological data. For
example, one can still observe dilapidating smelting furnaces in farmlands and some elders
were able to identify smelting and smithing slags. It is a common in most farmlands in
Otukpa to see pieces of slag, broken furnace walls and potsherds littered around as part of the
landscape. It is important to note, that human activities due mainly to population pressure is
adversely affecting these finite archaeological resource that would enhance our outstanding
and interpretation of ancient iron smelting traditions.
It is pertinent to point out that much work has been done in Nsukka, as against parts of
Benue where no archaeological excavation or dates have been obtained from Idoma iron
smelting Sites. However, on the basis of furnace types, only the shaft furnace has so far been
identified. This is seen to be the most recent furnance type which gave a more efficient smelt
compared with older furnace types observed in Nsukka and Abakaliki areas.
It has been observed by Nwoko (1992 that no society can make any headway in
technological advancement without a systematic and critical appraisal of the reality around
her and assuming the society wants to borrow by way of technological transfer, members of
such society must develop their required attitude as well as critical mind about life for the
borrowed technology to contribute to their welfare.

Olusegun Opadeji

Introduction
The term urbanism, as applied to sub Saharan Africa until recently, has been euro-centric
(Effah-Gyamfi, 1986) and believed to be a post-colonial phenomenon. This is changing due
to more recent contribution by anthropologists, geographers and archaeologists (Effah-
Gyamfi, 1986; Okpoko, 1987). Okpoko (1987) is of the opinion that scholars from other parts
of the world, due to their experiences, ―see an urban centre as being marked among other
things by such features as writing, monumental architecture and large population. While these
are true of south west Asia they are not true of West Africa where urban centres or states
were already very much in existence before the art of writing as practiced by the Arab or
European worlds developed‖ (Okpoko, 1987). The conclusion amongst all scholars is that it
is not easy to define settlements from one standpoint. Although there were suggestions on the
criteria to look out for before classifying a settlement as urban or rural, no consensus has
been reached. Some of these suggestions are population size, evidence of writing, social
structure and economic activities.
Hausaland is situated in the savanna which makes it easy to attract archaeologist
attentionwhen compared with such centres south of Nigeria such as Benin or Old Oyo,
Ibadan, Orile Owu, Abeokuta and others that are either in the forest region or in the woodland
savanna of Nigeria. The history of state formation in Hausaland had been attempted by
different scholars and Smith (1970) identified two distinct political institutions in Hausaland
namely; non state political institutions where political authority is founded on kinship
relations and state-like political institution where political authority is not based on kinship
relations and transcends family groups. At a point in history, the family groups or gidaje
which only recognized the mai gida were common. At a higher level was the collection of
family groups living in hamlets known as Kanyuka. The relationship was based on kinship
but the head, mai unguwa was only a distant relation of some of the members of the
settlement. Higher than this, was the gari (town) with Sarki as the leader. This developed as a
result of the Kanyuka being attractive to other immigrants who were not related to the
inhabitants of the settlement. The authority here was above that of the family groups. The
highest level was when gari (town) expanded to become birni. The birni meaning a walled
city had arable land, a semblance of specialization and fortification for protection against
invaders, and an army. Birni had political and economic control over neighbouring gari.

Merrick Posnansky
Book Reviewed by Prof. C.A. Folorunso

The book, an autobiography of Merrick Posnansky, has nine chapters excluding the
introduction that was not assigned a chapter number. The introduction is a veritable summary
of the book. The chapters of the book do not follow chronological sequence that one would
have expected from an archeologists but they treat different subjects of Merrick‘s life and
each subject has its chronology.